Friday, January 8, 2016

FAWP (Frightened Angry White People)

Americans are a fearful lot, what mostly they are afraid of is losing that slice of the pie called the American dream. That dream has more variations than a cover band does of "Three Times a Lady" at a wedding. Lionel Richie should hang his head in shame after he finishes cashing the royalty checks.

I recall back after the growth of the middle class, the 70s and the rise of freedom. First is was civil rights and the idea that black citizens now were guaranteed access to the "privileges" and "entitlements" that its white citizenry had earned from fighting the good war. We defeated Hitler and the Japs and we were number one!

 Then comes the "activist: Judges with their interpretation of the Constitution that said all men were created equal and made the Government create laws to ensure said equality. That document is either the most fetishist document in history and when it suits the most inadequate and then out comes the Federalist papers. Conveniently for White Men who were created superior that is the next most lauded and supposedly read document that ensures states rights. I look forward to Manuel Lin Miranda's take on that. The irony that the most acclaimed musical about history of white men was written not by a white man and performed by a largely mixed racial cast. Yikes where are the protesters!

 But the reality is that they are busy too with their oddly named acronymed groups that are there paying off Politicians and funding Supreme Court Cases that this time the activist Judges are pro their activism whoever "they" are and by they I mean white people.

 An interesting discussion in this article from Crosscut about the adventures of a liberal progressive former city council meeting at one such group discussed the fears and objections the white "privileged" group share, some in direct contradiction to the larger cohort of conservatism, such as the TIF, the long applauded bribe to get job creators to move to states. Funny how that works out doesn't it.

And those 70s were a time that came changing. And the turn of economy's downward turned to blame the women and the blacks that were demanding equality. Had they just kept them down on the farm we would never have this problem. Not the pronouns and articles as "those" distinguish the implicit to vague references of whom "they" were speaking. And the last few months have brought up from the proverbial political grave the Goldwater and Wallace Campaigns of the 60s and later Richard Nixon's own issues with race/gender/ethnicity and well sanity, his own.

 The ugliness has never gone it is there like a pot boiling it it either simmers slowly and eventually dries out and burns the pot or it bubbles endlessly to overflow. I suspect we added a lot of water to that pot as the nation of immigrants actually started to draw a lot of immigrants and many of them were non English speakers from war torn countries whose integration and assimilation to the new world was not a welcome one.

 We have two faiths in America - Christianity and Judaism. We allowed that second one thanks to the Greatest Generation and the right war, we won that and so allowing Jews seemed only fair. We had a problem with Asians and our own camps, then Vietnam and all that taint so we have sort of accepted them but we like the tech ones or so we are told by the wealthy who have them as their new "indentured" servant under the H1B1 plan. See the tech sector did figure out a way better way to import and then in turn export the workers when they are no longer needed/wanted or demand more pay.

 America struggles with what it says when we say we are a nation of immigrants. I think they mean white ones from white speaking Christian countries where high tea, scones or a pint are all part of the culture. Where prayer is to one God, called God and that we all rally round the flag boys when its the 4th.

The below article is from one of my last remaining favorites at the Times and he is an economic writer and that is what all this is about taking back. Our jobs, our majority, our place in the universe.

We were number one we fought the good war and we do so by interning our own citizens and creating a bomb that killed thousands and now is used to threaten, coerce or reign fear on others or by others in order to be the reigning King. That is how you do it. A pile of money actually works way better, once again America we get it we really do.

 Racial Identity, and Its Hostilities, Are on the Rise in American Politics

 Eduardo Porter
 JAN. 5, 2016

Why do working-class Americans vote as they do? The question has long bedeviled analysts on the left, troubled that people who would largely benefit from a more robust government seem so often to vote for right-leaning politicians eager to cut federal programs to pay for tax cuts for the rich. The unusual Republican presidential primary, evolving from one surprise to the next, has revived the debate, but with an important racial coda.

As Donald Trump and Ted Cruz surge in the polls, buoyed by the enthusiastic support of angry white men, they raise a narrower question: What’s going on with working-class whites? Though subtle, this variation reflects an important shift in American politics: Perhaps even more than economic status, racial, ethnic and cultural identity is becoming a main driver of political choice. It suggests that the battle over the purpose and configuration of the American government — what it’s for, who it serves — may become more openly about “us” versus “them,” along ethnic lines.

Consider the Trump phenomenon. While polls find that he also leads the Republican pack among women and higher-income voters, by far his most solid support comes from less educated, lower-income white men, according to a Pew Research Center analysis conducted in October. Donald Trump is backed by 43 percent of Republicans with at most a high school education, but only 28 percent of those with bachelor degrees and 21 percent of those with some graduate school, according to an analysis of the most recent New York Times/CBS poll.

 Similarly, a Quinnipiac University poll last month found that Hillary Clinton would readily beat Mr. Trump in a general election among college-educated voters, while Mr. Trump would eke out victory among those without a college degree. This is also true of the other angry Republican at the top of the list, Senator Ted Cruz. Their supporters are overwhelmingly white. White non-Hispanics are the only ethnic group that leans Republican, according to a study of party affiliation by the Pew center.

White men who have not completed college favor the G.O.P. over the Democratic Party by 54 to 33 percent. President Obama and Bernie Sanders have speculated that frustration over lost jobs and stagnant wages can explain much of the blue-collar support for Mr. Trump and conservative populists more generally. The explanation, however, is not quite satisfactory.

As Matthew Yglesias at Vox suggests, many white Americans are most likely drawn to Mr. Trump’s xenophobic, anti-immigrant message because they agree with it. Such voters are nostalgic for the country they lived in 50 years ago, when non-Hispanic whites made up more than 83 percent of the population.

 Today, their share has shrunk to 62 percent as demographic change has transformed the United States into a nation where others have a shot at political power. Their fear is understandable. In general, the concerns of Hispanic and black American voters are often different from those of white voters. But the reaction of whites who are struggling economically raises the specter of an outright political war along racial and ethnic lines over the distribution of resources and opportunities.

 Race, of course, has shaped political choices for a long time. The Republican takeover of the South is understood by scholars as a reaction to whites’ sense of betrayal after the Democratic push for desegregation under President Lyndon Johnson. Racial animosity has long helped foster a unique mistrust of government among white Americans. Nonwhite voters mostly like what the government does.

 But many white Americans, researchers have found, would rather not have a robust government if it largely seems to serve people who do not look like them. Americans owe their unusually minimalist state in large measure to racial mistrust. As the economists Alberto Alesina, Edward Glaeser and Bruce Sacerdote put it in an important paper, European countries are much more generous to the poor relative to the United States mainly because of American racial heterogeneity.

“Racial animosity in the U.S. makes redistribution to the poor, who are disproportionately black, unappealing to many voters,” they wrote. The eminent sociologist William Julius Wilson described two decades ago how race and economics collided. In the United States, he wrote, white taxpayers have opposed welfare because they see themselves “as being forced, through taxes, to pay for stuff for blacks that many of them could not afford for their own families.”

 Scholars have found evidence for these attitudes all over the place. For instance, Julian Betts of the University of California, San Diego and Robert Fairlie of the University of California,Santa Cruz found that for every four immigrants entering public high schools, one native student switched to a private school. Daniel Hungerman from the University of Notre Dame found that all-white congregations became less charitable as the share of black residents in the community rose.

 Perhaps because they have relied more on government programs and protections, members of minority groups have decidedly different beliefs about supporting social solidarity. Another study published by the Pew center in November found that 62 percent of white Americans would like the government to be smaller and provide fewer services. Only 32 percent of blacks and 26 percent of Hispanics agreed. Notably, minorities in the United States have never held much power.

They are unlikely to feel that political influence to direct and constrain what government does is slipping away. The rich democracies of the West are living through strange times. In Europe, voters are increasingly drawn to xenophobic politics, driven, according to the former German foreign minister Joschka Fischer, by fear “based on the instinctive realization that the ‘white man’s world’ — a lived reality assumed by its beneficiaries as a matter of course — is in terminal decline.”

 Right-wing parties, Mr. Fischer added, are replacing the notion of a nation built on a shared commitment to a common constitutional and legal order with an ethnic definition of nationhood, derived from common descent and religion. White Europeans, in other words, are circling the wagons. A few years ago it looked as if the United States — long more tolerant of immigration, with a more fluid sense of national identity that readily allowed for hyphenation — could avoid this turn.

 But judging by this year’s political debate, held against the background of improving but still insufficient prosperity, Americans are moving in the same direction. Racial identity and its attendant hostilities appear to be jumping from their longstanding place in the background of American politics to the very center of the stage.

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